In his statement at the White House in 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping made a commitment not to militarise the artificial islands China built in the South China Sea. Observers wondered how China defined the term ‘militarisation’. And it is this lack of clarity helping to fuel speculation over Beijing’s strategic ambitions.
The Trump administration appears eager to change its position frequently, keeping both friends and adversaries on their toes. The snag is that, at least for the moment, allies are more rattled than potential enemies.
A great deal of rhetoric is expended over China’s gigantic investment initiatives. Still, many of the economic projects are real, and Western governments will be well advised to understand their purpose.
Officials from the US and China put on brave faces at the recently concluded US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue. Tensions in the maritime and cyber realms, however, are threatening to send the relationship into a downward spiral.
Afghanistan could potentially become the centre of cooperation, not competition, between India and China, the two main Asian powers. This can only be achieved if problems and barriers are overcome and small-scale initiatives are implemented in order to stabilise Afghanistan.
Over the past three years, RUSI has conducted a research project bringing together influential thinkers from China, India, the UK and Afghanistan in a number of workshops in Beijing, New Delhi and Qatar. The aim was to outline areas of common interest between China and India in Afghanistan. As part of this project, we asked Indian and Chinese researchers to offer their perspectives on where Delhi...
One of the most troubling, but fundamental, questions confronting India is its relationship with China. While India wants a mutually beneficial and cooperative relationship that is conflict-free and cordial, does China want a similar relationship with India?