Bridging the Two Sides of the Continent: Japan's Role in Europe
Against a background of increased military spending that could see Japan attain the third largest military in the world within a few years, the nation’s relationships with Europe and the US are being defined by mutual threats.
President Zelensky’s visits to Washington, DC on 28 February ended with mixed reactions - disappointment in the West and satisfaction in Russia. Consequently, European leaders gathered in London on 2 March to reassess the outcome of the meeting between the two presidents.
This commentary argues that Europe is only looking at its own back yard when it comes to security. The global security threats encompass both Russia (frontline Europe) and China/Russia/North Korea (frontline Japan). As former Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida stated: ‘Ukraine Today may be East Asia Tomorrow.’ This has not changed and this is why the ranking of the contributors to Ukraine since the Russian invasion ranges from the US, the EU, Germany, the UK also to Japan. Japan recognises its wider role in European security based on the shared values with its western partners.
In East Asia, Japan is supporting global security by holding up the alliance with the US - yet this is completely absent from the Western discussions. This is not about Japan interceding for Europe with the US but making sure the US stays engaged with regard to its global security role, one that includes Europe and East Asia. This commentary examines the strategic importance of maintaining global order by ‘bridging the two sides of the continent’ and explores Japan’s role in Europe.
As this author heard from a few participants to the Munich security conference in February, everything was about Russia, with little attention given to China. However, on a global scale, Europe remains committed to the Indo-Pacific region. France, for instance, has deployed the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier strike group for CLEMENCEAU 25, conducting multinational exercises with the US and Japan in the South China Sea and making port calls in the Philippines.
This demonstrates that Europe and Japan share common values and interests in upholding the global rules-based order. While the US under the Trump administration primarily focuses on competition with China, the question that arises is - what role can the US allies on both sides of the continent play?
The Space that Follows Pax Americana
Former Japanese Ambassador to the US, Koji Tomita, wrote in the Nikkei on 3 March, ‘The inconvenient truth of Trumpism is the end of Pax Americana. The US may have the capabilities, but its willingness to support global stability is eroding.’ History has shown that, in the absence of a balance of power, vacuums are inevitably filled. If this is the case they are likely to be filled by China and Russia. Professor Kent Calder of Johns Hopkins University echoed this sentiment in the same article, stating, ‘As the US retreats from maintaining world order, the national interests of Europe and Japan are increasingly aligned, and Japan’s role in Eurasia will only grow.’
Japan is the only Indo-Pacific nation with both the will and capacity to act as a bridge between Europe and the US. To support Ukraine effectively, Europe should adopt a global strategic perspective that includes Japan
Hints of this evolving role can be found in the US-Japan summit statement from 7 February. Despite concerns over President Donald Trump’s hard-liner stance on Japan, PM Shigeru Ishiba’s first visit to Washington, DC was ultimately deemed successful, resulting in a joint statement.
The key takeaways for Europe from the US-Japan Joint Statement indicate how the two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to a ‘new golden age’ of US-Japan relations, promoting a free and open Indo-Pacific while contributing to global peace and stability.
The statement included strengthening bilateral security and defence cooperation, emphasizing the importance of the US-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, reaffirming the alliance as a cornerstone of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific and beyond, based on shared common values. Japan reiterated its commitment to enhancing its defence capabilities, a move welcomed by the US. This includes expanding US commitments beyond military cooperation with efforts to bolster the US-Japan alliance, through: industrial collaboration; increasing bilateral military presence in Japan’s Southwest Islands; enhancing defence readiness through joint exercises; and strengthening defence industrial cooperation with co-production and co-development of defence technologies.
Don’t forget economic benefits; the US president likes a ‘deal’. The leaders acknowledged the critical role of economic cooperation in their alliance by fostering economic ties and technological cooperation, committing to increased bilateral investment, industrial collaboration in cutting-edge technologies such as AI and semiconductors, and joint efforts to counter economic coercion. They also announced plans to strengthen energy security by expanding US liquefied natural gas exports to Japan.
Multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific
As part of their cooperation, the two leaders intend to advance multilayered and aligned cooperation among like-minded countries, including Japan-Australia-India-US (Quad), Japan-US-South Korea, Japan-US-Australia, and Japan-US-Philippines. The two leaders reaffirmed their opposition to China’s militarization in the South China Sea, expressed concerns over North Korea’s missile program, and emphasized the strategic importance of peace across the Taiwan Strait.
Underscoring Japan’s role in maintaining global stability, particularly in countering aggressive actions by China, Russia and North Korea, it is clear that a strong Japan also contributes to European prosperity. Given these developments, Europe should recognize and leverage Japan’s unique strategic position and Japan’s role in bridging Europe and the US. Japan wants to help maintain the balance between two sides that might not always agree.
Here are three key points to consider: First, Japan is the only Indo-Pacific nation with both the will and capacity to act as a bridge between Europe and the US. To support Ukraine effectively, Europe should adopt a global strategic perspective that includes Japan.
Second, Japan faces three authoritarian adversaries – China, Russia and North Korea – positioning it as a frontline observer and deterrent against Russian actions in the ‘Eastern Front’. As such Japan is a strategic watchtower, whose role can enhance security coordination with Europe. Therefore, Europe should work alongside Japan to ensure sustained US engagement in global security. Japan, in fact, is a vital ally in the wider relationship between the US and Europe, beyond the Indo-Pacific.
Third, without strong US commitment, neither peace in Europe nor stability in the Northwest Pacific can be guaranteed. Historically, US support was crucial in conflicts such as World War II and the Falklands War. The US has been the essential link between Europe and Japan, fostering peace and prosperity. Thus, in order to counter the rise of authoritarian states, Europe and Japan must continuously cultivate and strengthen their alliance with the US. Maintaining alliances requires ongoing effort – like a garden, it must be nurtured and cared for.
Conclusion
Japan’s strategic alignment with Europe presents a unique opportunity to reinforce global stability. By strengthening its role as a bridge between Europe and the US, Japan can help maintain a balanced world order. Keeping this in mind – and if we talk about a value-based alliance – it would be fitting for Europe to invite Japan to the table for the discussion on Ukraine. As geopolitical challenges intensify, fostering this trilateral relationship will be critical for ensuring peace, security, and prosperity across the globe. Europe needs to recognize Japan's role in maintaining stability and the value based global order.
© Keizo Kitagawa, 2025, published by RUSI with permission of the author.
The views expressed in this Commentary are the author's, and do not represent those of RUSI or any other institution.
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WRITTEN BY
Dr Keizo Kitagawa
RUSI Associate Fellow
- Jim McLeanMedia Relations Manager+44 (0)7917 373 069JimMc@rusi.org