The risk of nuclear war between India and Pakistan presents dangerous global implications and should be considered as a serious threat, particularly since Pakistan’s acquisition of the short-range Nasr missile. Quite apart from the enormous human cost, there would also be significant environmental and migratory consequences.
A ‘grand bargain’, first proposed by the American diplomat Richard Holbrooke, is needed now more than ever to allay Islamabad’s concerns with India’s presence in Afghanistan, although garnering the necessary public support for peace will be no simple task.
As India’s strategic links with the US expand, New Delhi will find it difficult to shield its fruitful military relations with Russia. In theory, India does not have to face a binary choice between allies, but in practice, may increasingly be faced with precisely this predicament.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the UK this week will be the first visit by an Indian leader in almost a decade – despite David Cameron travelling thrice in the other direction. Is the UK–India relationship as healthy as it was?
One of the most troubling, but fundamental, questions confronting India is its relationship with China. While India wants a mutually beneficial and cooperative relationship that is conflict-free and cordial, does China want a similar relationship with India?
Afghanistan could potentially become the centre of cooperation, not competition, between India and China, the two main Asian powers. This can only be achieved if problems and barriers are overcome and small-scale initiatives are implemented in order to stabilise Afghanistan.
Over the past three years, RUSI has conducted a research project bringing together influential thinkers from China, India, the UK and Afghanistan in a number of workshops in Beijing, New Delhi and Qatar. The aim was to outline areas of common interest between China and India in Afghanistan. As part of this project, we asked Indian and Chinese researchers to offer their perspectives on where Delhi...