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Members’ Lecture – Georgia: Current Security Challenges

It is fair to say that I represent a country frequently in the news, though sadly not for reasons I always welcome.

For instance you will rarely hear that our coastline and countryside make us an ideal tourist destination;

Our wine and cuisine are among the finest you will taste anywhere;

Independent organisations, such as the World Bank, judge us to one of the most investor friendly environments on the globe (No eleven to be precise).

Despite last year's war and the global crisis, the economy is coping and is actually growing for the last 4 months (which was its normal condition for the last nearly 6 years, when GDP grew by nearly 10% every year).

Georgian arts and culture are of world class quality. I was truly happy when I opened a personal exhibition of a Georgian painter Zurab Nizharadze at the Air Gallery in Mayfair on Monday. This is what I love to do.

Yet, much of my work since being appointed Ambassador has revolved around security issues.

You will understand why this frustrates me.

But I know it is vitally important we achieve a lasting solution which is why we are here today.

To understand the security in our region we need to put Georgia in context

There certainly is a serious lack of awareness of what Georgia really represents - this often leads to misconceptions which I will try to address.

Georgia is a small country.

To some, "a far away country of which we know little".

But our geographic position - in some ways a blessing, in others a curse - means we matter.

Of course we matter in our own neighbourhood.

But I also firmly believe that the outcome of developments in Georgia are of much wider significance.

The lessons of history support my case.

History is something we do not forget easily in our region. Even as long one as Georgian.

Many in the West assume that Georgia is some breakaway Russian province.

In fact, Georgia is an ancient country with a rich and distinct culture.

It has been an independent state at the crossroads of Europe and East for nearly three millennia.

The Georgian language is one of the oldest spoken languages with a unique alphabet which is twenty four centuries old. 

Georgia, known to the ancient Greeks as the country of the Golden Fleece - formerly known as the Kingdom of Colchis for western Georgia, and Iberia for the east -  had been playing an important role in the Hellenic and Roman worlds. Later, as one of the oldest Christian civilizations, it served as a European outpost in the east.

In the nineteenth century Georgia was gradually absorbed by Russia. To understand the Georgian-Russian relations, this is the key: for Russians this was when they brought peace to Georgians and saved them. For us, Russia was the first and only foreign power, which not just imposed their rule, but abolished the kingdom, along with all state institutions and elements of autonomy. Even the Georgian orthodox church, one of world oldest apostolic churches was not spared.

After the fall of Tsarism we regained independence in 1918, but it was short-lived. Bolshevik Russia invaded and we were annexed to Soviet Union in 1921. By the way, Russia first officially recognised Georgia and signed a respective treaty. But soon they kindly asked the British troops stationed in Georgia to leave - which they did, and then sent the Red Army.

In those dark years, we never forgot our European identity, even if some in Europe forgot about us.

Almost exactly twenty years ago the cracks started to appear in the Communist facade.

The brave people of Germany tore down the wall that divided them.

The bright light of democracy shone through and the Soviet Union wilted in response.

Georgia became independent again.

For us, as for the most of the civilized world, this was not, "the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the twentieth century", as some have described it.

It was a triumph for the values of Western democracy. Freedom. Democracy. Rule of law. Social justice.

These are the values of the Georgian people, and our path to being a European democracy is set.

Some in the Kremlin have never come to terms with those historic events twenty years ago.

August 2008

It is against this backdrop     that the events of August 2008 must be judged.

The run up to the Russian invasion of my country have been well documented in the excellent book "Guns of August" by Svante Cornell, and also in a report by Heidi Tagliavini, which came out less than two weeks ago.

I welcome this report and on behalf of my Government would like to thank Mrs Tagliavini and her Commissioners for their hard work in producing this important contribution, which along with the important new information in Guns of August, confirms nearly all of the case put forward by my Government.

That Russia had been preparing for the invasion of Georgia for some considerable time.

That Russia invaded Georgia before Georgian armed forces responded.

That Russian forces undertook a brutal ethnic cleansing programme.

I am also grateful that the Tagliavini Report refutes the reasons the Russians gave for invading Georgia.

In particular the Russian claim that thousands of South Ossetians had been killed and that their forces were preventing an alleged genocide. We all knew this was an outright lie - but it is helpful to have this confirmed yet again.

Of course I do not accept the suggestions, churned out by the Russian spin machine, that Georgia was in any way to blame for being invaded.

I also know that we could spend endless amounts of energy discussing the different interpretations of these events - but of course what is most important is what is happening now in my country - and what can be done to bring about a political solution in the region.

The current situation in Georgia

It is with some sorrow that I set out the current security situation in my country.

While it is true that Georgia has remained resilient and stayed strong, the Russian invasion and continued occupation of territory has taken a toll.

Nearly twenty percent of Georgian territory remains under Russian control.

This territory is occupied by around ten thousand Russian troops.

Russia is building illegal military bases in both South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

130,000 people were forced to flee their homes, following a brutal ethnic cleansing campaign, 30,000 of them will not be able to return in the foreseeable future.

These displaced people now live in temporary accommodation, but long to return to their homes. Sadly many properties have been burned or bulldozed by Russian forces and their proxies.

Those left behind in the occupied territories lead a miserable existence at the mercy of Russian forces. For example, residents of Gali, close to the occupation line, but within the occupied zone, are forbidden to cross the de facto border without Russian permission.

This makes it impossible for residents to get to their workplaces in unoccupied Georgia.

Impossible to get access to the Georgian healthcare system.

Impossible to educate their children at Georgian schools.

And is this not ironic, that while the rest of Europe celebrates the 20^th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Russians are building a new one that divides Georgia?

Indeed, the occupying forces have implemented policies aimed at eradicating the ability of school children to learn the Georgian language.

Families have been divided. Communities torn apart.

Meanwhile, Russian authorities are handing out Russian passports to residents of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and Russian state owned companies are scouring the area for opportunities to pillage the occupied land.

For example, Rosneft are believed to be looking at drilling opportunities in Abkhazia.

But the most notable and worrying example is the plan to extract millions of tonnes of gravel from the Abkhazian rivers and the coast for the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics construction, which inevitably will lead to the environmental catastrophe, as the coastline and river beds lose their natural defence from erosion.

You will no doubt be aware that tension remains high near the line of occupation.

Incidents happen on a daily basis. Since the end of hostilities there have been over 150 incidents, including twenty three Georgian deaths.

On the Black Sea, Russia has instructed their coast guard to detain Georgian vessels in Georgian territorial waters close to Abkhazia. This is nothing short of piracy.

Despite international pressure, Russia has continued to flout the commitments made to the diplomatic community.

Indeed, despite the so-called "independence" of the occupied territories, and their recognition as independent states by the exemplars of democracy - Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hamas and Hezbollah - both South Ossetia and Abkhazia are more under Russian control than ever.

They have become puppets, and we all know who is pulling the strings.

And while all this is going on, the Russian occupiers are doing all they can to keep out international monitors.

The Russians have blocked the UN mission. Blocked the OSCE mission. Blocked attempts by independent journalists to report on the catastrophe.

All that are left are a lonely group of European Union monitors, which again, are have no access to the conflict zones per se.

But believe me, we are grateful they are there.

Although they are not able to enter the occupied territories, their presence offers a critical and credible counterbalance to Russian propaganda.

But it is clearly not enough to keep an eye on every incident of abuse and breaking of international law.

Why Georgia matters

I know there is a school of thought in this country and elsewhere that sees Georgia as a nuisance in the West building a stronger rapport with Russia.

That we are a part of Russia's backyard, and should not deign to have our own outlook.

As I mentioned before, "a faraway place of which we know little".

I do not need to spell out to the eminent people in this room the consequences of such thinking.

Leaving aside the fact that Georgia is committed to democratic reforms in a region where the flame of democracy only flickers.

Leaving aside the fact that the Georgian people look to the West and are committed to joining the Euro Atlantic community.

Leaving aside that other peoples of the former Soviet Union look to Georgia as a beacon, a test case for what they would like to achieve in their own localities.

Let me assure you, there will be bigger consequences for the West if Georgia falls back into the Russian sphere.

The hope of those in the former Soviet bloc will be snuffed out, leading to countries across the region re-orientating to the East.

Markets and investment opportunities will be cut off for the West.

The energy corridor of Georgia, which can help reduce dependence on Russian supplies, and can open up access to states in Central Asia will be severed - literally sending a shiver across the EU if there is another cold winter and the Russians turn the taps off.

In terms of military security: some question what would be the value of an eventual Georgian membership into NATO, they think Georgia can only be a liability. I would invite them to examine the Georgian track record of contributing to several NATO-led international operations, and to compare this to that of some NATO member countries. Georgia has always been there for our allies, without any formal obligations.

If bullies are not challenged they become emboldened. I would not like to predict how the Kremlin will respond if their new aggression in Georgia gets the green light.

How to bring peace to the region

Georgia is deeply grateful for the support we have received from our allies.

After the war, donors pledged $4,5bn to aid reconstruction efforts. A considerable part of it has actually arrived. This money has been wisely spent and has made a great contribution.

President Obama has been strongly supportive of our territorial integrity, and his message was reiterated by Vice President Biden when he visited Tbilisi in June.

I am grateful for the support my country has received from the leadership of all the main political parties in the United Kingdom - David Miliband and David Cameron were among the first visitors to the war-stricken Georgia. We are grateful to Baroness Kinnock for making her first major overseas visit to Georgia.

And we thank each and every country that voted for the resolution at the United Nations in support of the rights of those displaced by the conflict.

My Government knows well that we have responsibilities and we must meet them.

First, we know it is vital we stay on the path to secure democratic reforms in our country.

My President is spearheading these efforts and has committed to specific reforms with firm deadlines, including the direct election of mayors next May; a new electoral code and a consensus chair for our Central Election Commission; less power for the president and more for parliament; stronger sanctions against officials trying to influence judges; and a public television broadcasting board with equal representation of the governing and opposition parties.

Second, we know we must update our defence capabilities and learn lessons from the conflict.

We held a full investigation after the war, and have acted on its conclusions.

Third, we know we must stay on the course of Euro Atlantic integration and continue to contribute to NATO missions.

I am proud that despite our domestic constraints we are playing our full part in the mission in Afghanistan and will continue to do so. And again, we are not talking about some symbolic participation: like in Kosovo and Iraq (where incidentally Georgia had the third highest number of troops, after US and UK), we are sending the best of the best of Georgian combat troops.

We remained determined to fulfil our aspiration to achieve membership of NATO and the EU and to meet all the relevant criteria.

I am the first to acknowledge that the path to reuniting Georgia will not be easy.

There is much work to be done to build bridges with those who live in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

To win back their hearts and minds. To show that there is a brighter future than living under Russian occupation and effectively turning into a part of the Northern Caucasus, Russia's most deprived region, where civil war has never ended since the 1990s. The war which to our amazement, goes unnoticed by the most of outside world.

I dream of the day when those languishing in displacement camps in unoccupied Georgia will be able to see their homes again and rebuild their lives.

And it will be when Georgia and Russia have a straightforward, diplomatic relationship based on international norms and above all - based on still existing mutual interests. This is perfectly possible.

Representatives of Georgia and Russia are talking in Geneva. I support this process.

A perpetual state of tension and conflict is good for neither side.

There are no winners from the current impasse.

But there can be no solution based on Russian occupation of Georgian territory.

I am pleased that all of the international community - apart from President Chavez and the leaders of Hamas and Hezbollah - share this view.

Conclusion

I hope my remarks today have been helpful in setting out the latest developments in my region.

Georgia has been tested. But we have stayed strong.

Our economy is recovering. We remain committed to democratic reforms. We are determined to take our place in the family of European nations.

The security situation remains difficult, but what is key is that the international community maintains its commitment to Georgia's territorial integrity.

It is vital to engage with Russia, but with resolve and commitment to the standards and principles we all hold dear.

Georgia has responsibilities. I know that. My Government knows it too.

We will rise to the challenge and I look forward to the day that a united Georgia sits as a full member of the Euro Atlantic community playing our full roles as members of NATO and the European Union.